European Union: Third Reich’s Logical Modern Incarnation
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Martin Bormann was named Party Minister to the Nazi party (NSDAP) according to Hitler’s last wishes, before Hitler’s death. Prior to Bormann’s appointment as head of the “Party Chancellery” (Parteikanzlei top minister) near the end of World War 2, Bormann had served as Deputy Führer since Rudolf Hess’s bizarre flight and disappearance, in May of 1941.
While the Siege of Stalingrad (Volgograd today) raged, Bormann – and many others – understood that the war was lost. As a progenitor of the concept of the German Reich, Bormann then imagined a New World Order beyond jack boots and brown shirts, where the corporate tyranny of corporate institutional hierarchy governed instead.
IG Farben was the world’s largest chemical conglomerate, consisting of many subsidiary corporations, some of which are in existence today; for example Bayer, BASF, and Agfa. Bormann’s vision was of a totalitarian, non-democratic model, as embodied by the mega-corporate giant IG Farben, and as emulated and incorporated (structurally) by the European Union today.
After Germany lost the war, IG Farben was referred to as ‘Hell’s Cartel’ by a society and western culture far more reasonable than that of today. So, by 1952, IG Farben was forced to dissolve into its subsidiary parts. But what truly matters is the hierarchical /totalitarian structure by which IG Farben operated, directly analogous to the operation of the European Union today.
Bormann envisaged a modern version of the last iteration of the Holy Roman Empire (without the ‘holy’) based on the IG Farben governing model, to be an effective structure for Bormann’s vision for a united Europe. Instead of dividing Europe — as Hitler had done — Bormann documented his plan to incorporate Europe overall [1]. Bormann wrote many hundreds of pages regarding his plan for a hereditary Reich, according to a corporate model; documents which did not survive the war.
IG Farben held many subsidiary corporate structures, but was highly centralized, and non-democratic, with an entrenched hierarchical command. IG Farben’s upper echelon cadre within the cartel did allow for recommendations on policy from its underlings, to provide an illusion of autonomy. But the underlying corporate entities had no power to demand change, to make policy, or to force alteration in corporate direction.
For example, if an executive of (what was then) the Degesch-Degussa IG Farben subsidiary objected to the use of Zyklon-B in the camps, no accountability or recourse existed for the executive, who would certainly lose his position on the basis of that objection. The same is not true regarding the European Union, where an MEP may not be unseated for disagreeing with the Commissioners, but as in the example of Nigel Farage and BREXIT, may be ridiculed in the media and censured.
Likewise, IG Farben’s directors could not be challenged on policy, or held accountable for misdirection by any subsidiary. There was no process for removing a director; just as within the European Union there is no true means to challenge policy, to over-rule or remove a Commissioner, even if its charter claims this is so.
By July of 1944, Bormann had organized a meeting for German industrialists, in Strasbourg, France, to finalize his plans for a “united Europe” governed by the IG Farben mega-corporate model. Bormann could not attend the Maison Rouge meeting of Industrialists in Strasbourg personally, but Bormann’s plan for continuation of the German Reich (in this modified form) was discussed and approved by the Industrialists at the meeting, thus setting the foundation for the European Union as it eventually evolved.
While the western media portrays members of the European Parliament (MEP’s) as having significant power, in fact they have none. MEP’s cannot mandate legislation, or impose policy on the European Commission; they can only recommend it. Only the EU Commissioners have the ability and mandate to dictate policy to the sum of its parts, and the foregoing is directly analogous to IG Farben’s corporate structure.
IG Farben did encourage innovative research and development, and granted its subsidiary Untermensch considerable freedom to innovate. In that sense, IG Farben was an improvement over the European Union.
While it may seem simplistic to compare a long defunct corporate entity like IG Farben to the European Union, the IG Farben model was the plan for Europe and the rebirth of the Holy Roman Empire [2] as envisaged by Martin Bormann (and German Industrialists) of the time, and is the very same non-democratic model and mechanism we see acting in the form of the European Union today.
As such, we see the same aggression, duplicity, and skullduggery by the European Union that IG Farben engaged in, since its inception: hostility, aggression and warmongering… that will perhaps one day engender the destruction of the world… As some of Europe’s henchmen and blackguards almost did, over eighty years ago.
[1] Which arguably explains Bormann’s motivation to covertly undermine the Third Reich, while overtly supporting it.
[2] “This body which was called, and which still calls itself, the Holy Roman Empire was in no way holy, nor Roman, nor an empire.” .. Voltaire, 1773
Steve Brown
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of this site. This site does not give financial, investment or medical advice.
